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FROM THE WORLD TO THE BASQUE COUNTRY


 
Who are we? From EH to the World Step by Step Brigades I. Conference Opinion

2008/VII/17
boga! -2-

Pakito Arriaran herido en combate herrien mundurantz
euskalherria internazionalista

*In this second Boga! we will inform about to the birth of the internationalist movement in our country. In number 4, we will complete the chronicle informing about the birth of Askapena.

The internationalist movement in the Basque Country

In this bulletin, we want to provide some data regarding the origin of the internationalist movement in the Basque Country. We will see the period corresponding to the misnamed Democratic transition, namely from 1978 to today's date.

We will cover two distinct periods. The first concerns the internationalist movement in general terms during the 70', because at the end of this decade was born the first organized expression of Basque internationalism with a nationalist approach. The second covers from 1980 until 1987, and more specifically refers to the emergence of Askapena, as a specific expression within this Movement.

International references

The decade of the 70?s has plenty of references for to the internationalists sectors in the world. Vietnam and Chile have become trenches where the confrontation imperialism-anti-imperialism reaches high levels of intensity. In the first case, the popular forces neutralized the many resources of all kinds employed by USA. In the case of Chile, the trend is the opposite. The Popular Unity project suffered an increasing harassment by the CIA. The result of imperialist harassment against the Chilean State was the bloody defeat of the popular during the September 11, 1973 coup. The vast majority of the Chilean Armed Forces, commanded by Pinochet, revolted against the constitutional regime and killed President Allende.


The bitter Chilean experience produced a strong impact around the world internationalism, but two years later, the events of Vietnam rekindle internationalists hopes. The popular Vietnamese forces clearly defeated Yankee imperialism. The images of Marines hastily leaving the embassy in Saigon hung from helicopters will become historical. Once the country was released, it formalized its unification in 1976 and was proclaimed as a socialist republic of Vietnam. On April 17, 1975 Americans has also to leave Kampuchea in haste.

Imperialism, defeated in Asia, was reinforced in Latin America. On March 24, 1976, the Argentine military were the protagonists of a coup similar to that of Chile. They deployed a similar ferocity against the popular sectors: many of the organized militants were killed and missing. Both countries become the starting point of the massive exile of leftist militants who manage to flee from terror.

These traumatic victories of imperialism did not discourage the popular sectors of other countries in the region who have resolved to stop it by the use of weapons. Throughout this decade, the Frente Sandinista in Nicaragua were gathering forces that consolidate despite the huge power of the National Guard of Somoza. The expansion of the Sandinista movement gives rise to the crisis suffered in 1975: the movement is divided into three different trends. Nevertheless, the people's struggle continues. All three trends are reunified through an agreement sealed on March 7, 1979. Thus, the Sandinistas were able to best use the popular rebellion that by then was overflowing all the dictator's control. In mid-July of that year, Somoza leaves the country, and all the state apparatus, which directly depended to him, tumbled. The Frente Sandinista had then the possibility of structuring a new state based on the new criteria. This unique opportunity will be cut soon as a year later began the harassment of the Contras from the border with Honduras


Guatemala also had a uprising process. In 1975 the Guerrilla Army of the Poor (Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, EGP) carried out its first military action. Over the course of 1976, they focused their organizational work in the rural areas by strengthening the work of masses. Subsequently, in 1982 the revolutionary unity was consolidated giving rise to the Guatemala National Revolutionary Unity (Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional de Guatemala, URNG) formed by the following organizations: Revolutionary Armed Forces (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, FAR), Guerrilla Army of the Poor (Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres, EGP), and Revolutionary Organization of People in Arms (Organización Revolucionaria del Pueblo en Armas, ROA).

During the 70's, El Salvador lived a revolutionary movement that was gradually taking shape in various organizations. That year is the birth of the Popular Liberation Forces (Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, FPL). The following year the People's Revolutionary Army (Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP) was organized with its mass organization called Popular Action Front Unified (Frente de Acción Popular Unificada, FAPU). In 1975 the Armed Forces of National Resistance (Fuerzas Armadas de Resistencia Nacional, FARN) made its public appearance and subsequently, the Popular Revolutionary Bloc (Bloque Popular Revolucionario, BPR). In 1976 emerged the Workers Revolutionary Party Central (Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos, PRTC). In 1977 the mass organization Leagues Popular February 28 (Ligas Populares 28 de Febrero, LP-28) was born. That same year was also born the People's Liberation Army (Ejército Popular de Liberación, EPL), which starts a revolutionary guerrilla war in the central part of the country. In 1979 several Communist organizations formed the Political-Military Revolutionary Coordinator (Coordinadora Revolucionaria Político-Militar). In 1980 there were several agreements among the various popular, democratic and revolutionary forces. The Popular Unity Movement (Movimiento de Unidad Popular, MUP), led by the Mass Revolutionary Coordinator (Coordinadora Revolucionaria de Masas, CRM), was born. In April 1980 the Revolutionary Democratic Front (Frente Democrático Revolucionario, FDR) was born, and in May the Revolutionary Political-Military Unified Directorate (Dirección Revolucionaria Unificada Político Militar). Finally, as a result of this emerging and conclusive revolutionary movement, in October 1980 was born the Farabundo Marti Front for National Liberation (Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional, FMLN).

National References

Euskal Herria, The Basque Country, also experienced a strong political moment. In the south of our country, the dictator is died, his heirs are trying to control the designed political transition process. They succeed in joining to the process several major political forces legalized and recognized after having committed to supporting the neofranquista transition project. There are, however, important popular and revolutionary sectors who reject the transition model agreed. These are the sectors that are consolidating as left forces with a strong internationalist sensibility.

A main reference in the Basque left scenario was the group Basque Nationalist Action (Acción Nacionalista Vasca ANV) founded in 1930: after a long process the group is defined as socialist and pro-independence party. During these years new parties appear on the scene: Herriko Alderdi Soziale Iraultzailea (HASI) was born on March 13, 1977 picking up the momentum of the Euskal Herriko Alberdi Sozial (EHAS), replaced by HASI, which identifies itself as socialist and revolutionary party that seeks to nurture political and organizationally to the working class of Euskal Herria. Previously, in 1974, has seen the light Langile Abertzale Iraultzaileen Alderdi (LAIA). The intention of its founders is to create a worker party, claiming to be leader.


Since the late 60, breaks into political life the Basque Communist Movement (Movimiento Comunista Vasco), aiming to consolidate a Basque revolutionary and socialist left. It is a confluence of different left streams. In 1972 joints the Communist Movement of Spain (Movimiento Comunista de España, MCE) and later is called Euskadiko Mugimendu Komunista (EMK). It participates in various social movements, on the 70 they support a Spanish Federal State Land and claim the right of self-determination. In 1970 is born Liga Comunista Iraultzailea (LKI) following the ideological tenets of the Fourth International, in line with the other European trotskist parties.

In 1975 is born Langile Abertzaleen Batzordeak (LAB) as a mass organization that subsequently evolves into a trade union organization belonging to the pro-sovereignty Basque left that support a negotiated solution to the Basque conflict. In 1978 is born an electoral coalition known as Herri Batasuna (HB). It is the result of the confluence of several parties. Initially, they just have an electoral aim, and the axis of his performance is the popular mobilization. However, given the strength demonstrated since the coalition was born, is set to become the more consistent political reference among the sectors that are betting on a break with the previous regime and on a leftist pro-sovereignty national project.

During the 70?s, in the north of the country there is a momentum of national consciousness with the birth of Iparretarrak, an armed organization that fought in the north for independence and socialism. Moreover, 'Enbata' (a nationalist movement with a political and cultural character born at the end of the 60?s) was becoming stronger during the 70's, but with the excuse that this group was increasingly in touch with the growing community of Basque refugees coming from the south of the country, the French government banned Enbata.


Birth of Basque Internationalist Movement

All these factors interact in a complementary manner and are crucial to the emergence, at the end of the 70?s, of the Basque Internationalist Movement. The many leftist organizations that are emerging in Euskal Herria show a special sensitivity regarding the processes of repression and liberation that other peoples are living. Each of these organizations try to reconcile national and sector struggles with an internationalist conscience. The events that are occurring, especially in Central and Latin America, are followed with great interest. The arrival to Euskal Herria of a group of Chilean and Argentine political refugees, who start working in the Solidarity Committee with Latin América (Comité de Solidaridad con América Latina, COSAL) becomes a referent that activates and stimulates a strong internationalist consciousness among the Basque left. There is also another non-partisan current which is embodied in an organization based in Iruñea: Solidarity Among Peoples and Support for its Liberation (Solidaridad entre Pueblos y Apoyo a su Liberación, SEPAL). It is made up of people who from a leftist humanism, sought to support the popular struggle in Latin America. Both organizations come together and contribute to the project that had been developing during 1979-1980. We are going to talk about it now.

During 1979 in Euskal Herria several uncoordinated internationalists activities are organized. However, these solidarity activities allow to know other groups and individuals with similar concerns. By then, the State Coordinator of Solidarity with Nicaragua (Coordinadora Estatal de Solidaridad con Nicaragua) already existed. That new space allowed Basque groups to meet. During the last months of 1979 and in 1980 there were also in the Basque Country a process of rapprochement among internationalists. All of them started feeling that they conformed a Basque internationalist movement. They began to plan a calendar of shared activities which helped to deepen the relationship and to outline the features of their characteristics. By the end of 1980 the Coordinator of Solidarity Committee of Euskadi (Coordinadora de Comités de Solidaridad de Euskadi) was already formed regrouping the different groups and tendencies already mentioned, as well as people who had internationalist consciousness and considered the Coordinator a valid reference.
This new group, pluralistic in its composition and ideologies, emerged forcefully as a subject of reference in this field. It deserved the appreciation of different sensitivities and leftist organizations, of church popular sectors identified with Liberation Theology, and of most of the citizens. A united platform that would remain until October 1987 was born.

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